 |
|
Women and the Constitution: Kandahar 2003
Conference Report
"We are the ones who move the cradle with one hand and the world with the other.
- WAW conference participant
The Afghan Women's Bill of Rights (click here to see document)
Acknowledgements
A. Summary of Conference Achievements
B. Background and Goals of Conference
C. Pre-conference Planning: Laying the Groundwork
D. Conference Logistics
E. Women for Afghan Womens Third Annual Conference
F. Post-Conference Activities and Impact of Afghan Womens Bill of Rights
G. Parallel Press Outreach
H. Conference: 2004
I. Conclusion
Addenda
1. WAW Staff, Board and Advisory Committee
2. Conference Planning Committee
3. WAW Activities in Kandahar Outside Conference
4. Abbreviations
5. Press Clippings
Acknowledgments: (back to top)
This conference was organized in partnership with Afghans for Civil Society, Afghan Women's Network, and Afghanistan Organization for Human Rights and Environmental Protection. The conference was funded by the Global Fund for Women, Open Society Institute, The Asia Foundation, Afghan Women Leaders Connect The Philanthropic Collaborative, Center on International Cooperation, The Sister Fund, and the San Francisco Womens Foundation, and supported by Peacekeeper Cosmetics and United Nations Assistance Mission for Afghanistan.
WAW warmly thanks the following conference volunteers:
Mary Lu Christie, Himali Dixit, Kathleen Foster, Jen Pozner, Michelle Scourtos and Sonya Stokes
A. Summary of Conference Achievements (back to top)
Women for Afghan Womens third annual conference came at a crucial moment in Afghan history, a moment when womens rights might be considered the single most important factor determining whether the country will continue to regress to a feudal state or progress to a future in which the human rights of all its citizens are guaranteed.
The conference was pioneering in two ways. First, as a symbolic gesture WAW rejected Kabul as a venue and held the conference in Kandahar, the former Taliban stronghold and arguably the most conservative city in the country, where warlords remain entrenched. Second, it brought together 45 ethnically diverse women, community leaders in the movement for women's and human rights in Afghanistan. Many are grassroots women's rights activists, both educated and under-educated, from rural provinces all around the country.
When the conference was in session, the draft of the new constitution of Afghanistan had not been made public. The Constitutional Commission, a 35 member ad hoc committee that includes 7 women, was working on the final draft, which will be sent to the Constitutional Loya Jirga (the traditional grand assembly of Afghanistan) for final review and ratification. The document produced at WAWs conference, the Afghan Womens Bill of Rights, conveys in a simple yet powerful voice the yearning of conference participants and the women they represent for a national constitution that unequivocally guarantees womens human rights.
The Afghan Womens Bill of Rights was created entirely by the participants. In their workshops they debated each right and unanimously agreed upon its wording before including it in the document. This was an immense achievement, requiring the women to rise above their differences not only in ethnicity, language, education, and status, but also in religious conviction, to reach consensus on the most thorny and controversial issues affecting Afghan women today. It required them to defy the opposition of powerful religious conservatives, many of whom are warlords in their own cities, towns and villages, whose suppression of womens rights in the name of Islam is, according to respected Islamic scholars everywhere, a willful misreading of sacred Islamic texts. Above all, signing the Afghan Womens Bill of Rights required courage on the part of the signatories, who might be seen as subverting entrenched cultural practices, practices that dishonor the religion but reinforce the power of extremists. It seems impossible to read it without realizing that it is a cry for liberation on the part of women who have endured brutal suppression but whose collective will remains unbroken.
B. Background and Goals of Conference (back to top)
After holding two successful conferences in New York, the first at CUNY in 2001 (which resulted in WAWs book, Women for Afghan Women: Shattering Myths and Claiming the Future), the second at Barnard College in 2002, WAW members were determined to hold the third in Afghanistan to coincide with the preparation of the draft constitution. From the outset, we envisioned the conference as a series of interactive workshops rather than formal lectures because we believed this format would serve to train inexperienced participants in the processes of analysis and discussion of the constitutional issues we hoped they would present to women in their home communities.
A year of internal discussions and discussions with women leaders in America and Afghanistan led to our formulating the following goals for the conference:
To ensure that grassroots womens voices are heard in the constitutional process.
To engage grassroots women in a debate over whether the new constitution should include explicit
language on womens rights.
To achieve the widest possible awareness of women's rights in Islam.
To inform women of the procedures and importance of constitutional processes and the coming
election and to encourage women to participate.
To encourage women to hold a proprietary interest in the constitution.
To encourage women to vote.
To increase the political power of women by encouraging women to run for office:
To make connections between local level community organizing and the national political sphere.
footnote: The Constitutional Commission was presented with the Afghan Womens Bill of Rights while they were in the process of drafting the constitution. Now that the draft of the constitution has been release, failing to mention specific rights for women, we know that this cry fell on deaf ears.
C. Pre-conference Planning: Laying the Groundwork (back to top)
Masuda Sultan, WAWs program director, traveled to Kabul and Kandahar in March 2003 with support from two NGOs: V-Day and ACS. She participated in V-Days conference in Kabul, Afghan Women's Leadership Program: Leadership Training for the Women of Afghanistan, where she made crucial connections with local NGO leaders and learned from the priorities identified by the participants,
particularly the goal of increasing Afghan womens political participation and power.
In Kabul, Masuda sought the advice of numerous women leaders: those associated with NGOs like HOOWA, HAWCA, AWLPA, ACS, PARSA, AWN; the Minister of Womens Affairs, Habiba Sarabi; her then Deputy Minister Tajwar Kakar; Helena Malikyar, Rina Amiri of UNAMA, and Sara Amiryar, all three members of WAWs advisory board; and former Loya Jirga members. She also identified a key potential facilitator, Afifa Azim, director of AWN.
Discussions with Eve Lyman in The United States and Sarah Chayes in Kandahar led to an agreement that their organization, ACS, would be a conference partner. They offered to host our conference in their Kandahar compound and to be involved in conference planning, logistical support, and the selection of participants. In Kandahar, Masuda was able to inspect the conference site and confer with ACS staff about logistics, security and costs. She also spoke with women involved in ACS projects, whose comments ultimately guided WAW in structuring its own conference workshops.
Final conference arrangements actually began in early August 2003, when WAW Masuda Sultan and Manizha Naderi, WAWs administrative director, WAW board member Fahima Vorgetts, and intern Michelle Scourtos traveled to Kabul. They were followed two weeks later by WAW board members Sunita Mehta and Esther Hyneman.
D. Conference Logistics (back to top)
1. Participant Selection
WAW was committed to identifying at least thirty women participants based on specific criteria: a balance of geographical areas and ethnicities, ages, classes, and educational backgrounds, political experience and access. We hoped to reach grassroots womens rights activists doing work in their provinces. This task was complicated by the fact that most of these women have little or no access to telephones or email and some are illiterate. But we were able to overcome these roadblocks by collaborating with some of the social justice organizations we have developed working relationship with over the previous two years. AWN, AOHREP, AWLPA, the Womens Ministry, ACS, and UNAMA connected us with women activists involved in their programs around the country.
|
 |
| At Kabul airport waiting to board flight |
2. Flight and Travel Arrangements
UNAMA offered to be an official supporter of our conference and to assist with air travel arrangements, which were complicated by the paucity of flights between Kabul, Kandahar and other cities. When the UNAMA flight intended to carry our participants from Kabul to Kandahar broke down at the last minute, we had to find lodging and make alternative flight plans for several women suddenly stranded in Kabul. At this juncture, we were under immense pressure from many sources to abandon plans to hold the conference in Kandahar. When participants from outlying areas supported our commitment to proceed to Kandahar as planned, we overcome this pressure and made alternative flight plans. Barnett Rubin of the
Center on International Cooperation stepped in with a commitment to find funds to cover the unexpected cost of this crisis. He later fulfilled this commitment by convincing OSI to increase their original conference grant.
|
 |
| L to R: Volunteers Sonya Stokes, Himali Dixit with Board Member Sunita Mehta in front of ACS compound. |
3. Food and Lodgings
In Kabul, WAW members stayed at an inexpensive guesthouse which functioned as the organizing hub for our conference. In Kandahar, the ACS compound served not only as our conference headquarters but also as our living space. Recent violence in the environs of Kandahar, by resurgent Taliban or other religious fundamentalists, required ACS to have armed men at the gates at all times. The presence of these men, a cheerful, friendly lot despite their kalishnakovs and the ominous possibilities they stirred in our minds, never dampened the spirit of the conference. Living for four days with dozens of conference participants (Kandahari women went home each night), sharing meals, spending evenings talking and bonding, and even caring for a few who fell ill, rendered the work done at the conference deep and meaningful.
|
 |
| Meeting with Gul Agha (second from left) |
The WAW team met with conference planning committee members, media, constitutional experts, and political leaders to ensure that we were equipped with the most current information. We also met with individuals who had the power and means to ensure our security before, during, and after the conference, including Gul Agha, the hefty former governor of Kandahar province, who had been fired by President Karzai and was living in Kabul surrounded by numerous minions.
footnote: See list of abbreviations in Addendum 4 of this document. footnote: In addition to women from Kandahar, participants came from Mazar, Herat, Bamiyan, Badakhshan, Jalalabad, Khost, Kabul, Helmand, Gardez, Wardak, Jousjan, Badakhshan, Samangan, Farah, Logar, Kapisa, Uruzgan, Paktia, Baghlan, Sar-e-Pul.
|
|
E. Women for Afghan Womens Third Annual Conference (back to top)
1. Overview
WAWs third annual conference, held in the compound of ACS in Kandahar, began on September 2nd and concluded on September 5th, 2003. Thirty-one participants flew in from Kabul and northern cities, and 14 women joined from Kandahar and the south. All WAW members stayed out of the sessions except as occasional interpreters for journalists. We played a supportive role to the conference, helping journalists access individual women for interviews, organizing food and logistical details, arranging field trips, and copying documents to hand out to participants, for example papers on the compatibility of constitutional and Sharia law by Mariam Nawabi and a document on the constitutional process produced by the Center on International Cooperation. WAW members also worked hard each evening to ensure that the women bonded, were entertained, and enjoyed their downtime together.
2. Conference Facilitation
The conference was led and facilitated by Afifa Azim, AWN, Soraya Paikan, AWLPA, and Tajwar Kakar, former Deputy Minister of Womens Affairs. Afifa Azim, the lead facilitator, was responsible for connecting each workshop to the next and for encouraging the women to produce a document by conference end. Soraya was responsible for ensuring that the women understood the constitutional process and the difference between civil law and constitutional law. She also helped women connect the violations of womens rights they had personally experienced and/or witnessed to their articulation of womens rights to be guaranteed in the constitution. Tajwar was selected to keep alive a dialogue on womens rights within Islam.
WAW had originally secured numerous women leaders as workshop facilitators, but the following were unable to attend the conference at the last minute because of illness or because they were engaged in critical work related to the constitutional process and advocacy for womens rights:
Rina Amiri, UNAMA
Helena Malikyar, Center on International Cooperation
Fatima Gailani, Constitutional Commission
Orzala Ashraf, HAWCA
Mahbooba Huquqmal, State Minister for Womens Affairs
The last minute cancellation by these women, who are experts in the subjects of womens human rights, constitutional law, and grassroots organizing, made conference planning extremely difficult. Fortunately, the skillful leadership of our three facilitators and the intelligence and commitment of all participants kept the proceedings focused, rigorous, and productive.
|
 |
| L to R: Fahima Vorgetts, Masuda Sultan and Afifa Azim opening the day |
DAY 1: September 3, 2003
Morning: Introductions to the conference by Masuda Sultan and Afifa Azim.
The overall structure, the aims of the conference, and the workshop format were presented.
Workshop: Women were divided into groups and instructed on procedures for group participation. They were then given two questions to consider. The responses of each group were written on large sheets of paper hung on the walls and recorded.
Expectations from Teachers and Programs Responsibilities:
Trainers should speak in a loud voice.
The agenda should be distributed for participants before training.
Notes on previous sessions should be distributed daily.
Trainers should be patient.
Participants should be granted the right to speak.
Suggestion and comments of participants must be respected.
We should not get one-sided decisions.
We should take ideas and suggestions of participants at the beginning and end of each session.
Speakers should not be emotional in their presentations.
Matters should be discussed in Dari and Pashto.
We should talk simply.
We must observe time restrictions.
Expectations from Conference: Topics we expect the conference to cover:
Information about the rights of women, divorce for example.
The role of women in the constitutional process.
The role of the constitution in the lives of women.
Ways to implement constitutionally guaranteed rights.
Learning techniques for changing mens ideas about women.
The rights of women in previous constitutions.
Ways to take action against those who violate the rights of women.
Methods of teaching women their rights.
Afternoon: What is a constitution?
The facilitator, Afifa Azim, presented the concept of a national constitution and discussed previous Afghan constitutions and a number of constitutions from other Muslim countries that include articles on womens rights.
Workshop: This process was handled by Tajwar Kakar, who got the ball rolling by asking each group to answer a series of questions. These questions formed the basis of the next two workshops.
Who are we?
Why did we come here?
What do we expect from the world, from the government, and from the law?
Why are we unable to act and achieve what Afghans in prior periods of history have achieved?
Who are we? Women answered: human beings, Muslims, Afghan women, the symbol of peace, those who always think of peace, the builders of society, mothers, and we are those who move the cradle with one hand and the world with the other.
Why did we come here?
To know each other.
To exchange our ideas.
To learn from others experiences.
To have a united aim among all Afghan women.
To achieve our united aims.
To raise our knowledge and understanding of our rights.
To get our legal rights.
To share our ideas on the important topic of the constitution.
To realize our legal rights which Islam has given us.
To learn more about our lifes situation.
|
|
DAY 2: September 4, 2003
Morning: The Constitutional Process
Soraya Paikan continued the discussion on the importance of a national constitution initiated the previous day and summarized the process that has steered the drafting of the new Afghan constitution and the role of women in that process. She also began a conversation on and the compatibility of womens rights with Islamic law.
Workshop: To begin to articulate the rights they expect to find in the new Afghanistan constitution, Tajwar Kakar asked the women to answer the following questions:
What do we expect from the world, from the Afghan government, and from law?
 |
The right to knowledge.
Political and economic health from the international community
that respects our religion, culture, and traditions.
Funds for the reconstruction of Afghanistan.
A strong central government to control the attacks on the
borders of Afghanistan and to guarantee security.
To secure women rights.
A role for women in building our country.
Compulsory education for women.
Prevention of forced marriage.
A decision-making role for women in governmental processes.
Support for widows, orphans, and the disabled.
Literacy courses for women throughout Afghanistan.
Overcoming corruption in all aspects.
Cultural, social and political rights throughout Afghanistan.
Freedom from foreign interference in our internal affairs.
Equality of rights for women and men.
Equal distribution of benefits.
Disarmament as soon as possible and security.
Professionalism among workers in government.
A voluntary army rather than the draft
Trials of war criminals.
The barring of criminals and those who have alienated the Afghan people by their past actions from
high positions.
Compulsory primary education for all.
Minimum marriageable age.
Afghanistan has people with many skills, but neighboring countries have taken everything and
destroyed our national unity. If we struggle, we can restore what we have lost.
We expect the world to focus on peace and security for Afghanistan.
Defense of the legal rights of women.
Womens right of inheritance.
Freedom for women in marriage and divorce.
The right of protection and security from violence.
The right of relaxation and enjoyment.
The right to learn and grow intellectually.
Criminalizing the buying and selling of women, using women in gambling, exchanging women, and the
tradition of blood prize (using women as compensation to one family for the crimes of another family
against it).
Maternal custody of children in a divorce.
Prevention of cruelty against women
What are the factors, which prevent Womens Rights?
Unacceptable traditions and customs.
Discrepancies between traditional customs and actual Islamic values.
Lack of security.
Misleading propaganda.
Peoples ignorance of Islamic law.
Illiteracy.
Widespread poverty and cultural deprivation.
Ignorance of men and women about womens human rights
Internal divisions among women.
Afternoon: Constitutional Law and Civic Law
The difference between constitutional and civic law was presented by Soraya Paikan.
Workshop: Women were asked to form groups to respond to two issues:
Why are we unable to achieve what Afghans in prior periods of history have achieved?
It is a fact that in the past, women have achieved many proud and important works and services, but today our progress is impeded by several factors:
Lack of honest and persuasive leadership.
Lack of security.
Interference by foreign governments.
Lack of national unity.
How can the Ways the rights of Womens be implemented?
Elimination of prejudice among women.
Positive propaganda that speaks against unacceptable traditional and customs.
Conducting seminars in cities and villages.
Raising awareness of the necessity of education for women.
Understanding the rights of women according to Islamic rules.
Raising awareness of women and men about womens rights.
Being active in the defense of the rights of women.
Establishing literacy courses.
Raising awareness about Islamic law for people and dissemination information through, television,
radios, news, schools, and mosques.
Improving of the status of women politically, economically, socially and culturally.
Teaching children about the rights of women.
Creating unity among women
Creating peace and security throughout Afghanistan.
Strong defenses against inappropriate and destructive traditions.
Raising the awareness of people about the rights of women in the Quran.
Raising the awareness of men.
Education.
Empowerment of women economically.
Banning unacceptable propaganda.
Creating peaceful conditions for raising the capacity of women and the society.
|
|
DAY 3: September 5, 2003
Morning and Afternoon: Writing the Womens Bill of Rights
The participants began to transform their long lists of expectations into the Womens Bill of Rights.
Workshop: Roles of women in changing society
Wives and mothers can train peaceful and responsible children
for society
Women and mothers-in-law must unite. Mothers-in-law were
once daughters-in-law.
At last we can say that the woman is an important person
because of her kindness and her friendly habits, Women can
create peace.
Women can demand that the religious leaders protect their
rights.
Women can publish books that teach womens human rights to
all levels of society.
Training children in the ways of developing the society
productively.
Changing ideas of men regarding family matters.
Taking part in country's politics, economics and cultural
matters.
Conducting seminars, groups, and conferences to raise
awareness of women.
Graduation Ceremony:
The grand finale of the conference was the special graduation ceremony where every participant was awarded a certificate, contact information for all participants, $150 in cash and a beautiful gift bag containing Peacekeeper Cosmetics items.
4. Field Trips and Entertainment
Two meals at the home of ex-police chief, Commander Akram.
A close friend of ACS, he welcomed us to his home twice:
once for a fruit feast and once for dinner.
Visit to Mir Wais Mausoleum and ice cream in the womens
garden.
Visit to Kharqa Mubarak.
|
|
 |
|
 |
Visit to Governor
Khalid
Pashtuns office and
lunch at his office
compound.
Visit to Kandahar
womens prison (see
addendum).
Trips to bazaar for
shopping.
Music in the evenings.
|
|
|
F. Post-Conference Activities and Impact of Afghan Womens Bill of Rights (back to top)
 |
| Fatima Gailani opening the press conference |
1. Kabul Press Conference
On September 10, 2003, WAW held a press conference at Anaar restaurant in Kabul. Members of the local press and stringers for international media attended the packed event. Speakers included Fatima Gailani, Rina Amiri, Mahbooba Hoquqmal, and conference participants from Kabul, Mazar, and Kandahar. Speaking first, Fatima Gailani emphasized WAWs courage in holding the conference in Kandahar and the fact that the conference participants were not the educated elite but rather the "real women" of Afghanistan. She updated us on the constitutional process and assured the audience that every item in the Afghan Womens Bill of Rights (except one, which belonged in civil law) would be included in the Constitutional Commissions draft constitution.
|
|
f ootnote: Having heard Gailani make this point twice, WAW feels justified in repeating that we are baffled by the fact that the draft constitution contains virtually no specific guarantees of womens rights. Our efforts to understand how the discrepancy between Gailanis remarks and the actual situation came about have failed to provide an answer. We do not know whether the treatment of womens rights in the draft changed after she spoke or whether she believes that the general statement in the constitution regarding equal rights for Afghan citizens provides women with the protection they seek in the Womens Bill of Rights. If the latter is true, WAW and others strongly disagree.
Rina Amiri of UNAMA spoke of the conference as an event that gave voice to the average Afghan women,? the women who have wanted to be engaged in identifying the opportunities they want available to them. She added, I’m very proud that they took this work and brought it to Afghanistan. I’m happy that they engaged in a very important process the constitutional reform process. In order to improve the lives and conditions of women, we need a legal framework, something that supports and defends women’s rights on paper. For the future of Afghanistan, for the future of Afghan women, the constitutional process is probably the most important thing we are undertaking right now. I’m even happier that they took this process to the south [Kandahar].
|
 |
| Womens Minister Habiba Sorabi reading Afghan Womens Bill of Rights |
|
|
 |
| Meeting with the Constitutional Commission. |
|
 |
2. High-level meetings in Kabul
In Kabul, WAW took advantage of the access enjoyed by foreigners and arranged meetings with President Karzai, the Constitutional Commission, and the Minister of Womens Affairs. On September 11, when Kabul was under high security alert and all foreigners were advised to stay indoors, members of WAW along with Afifa Azim, Soraya Paikan, and an ACS delegation that had flown in from Kandahar met with President Karzai on the presidential palace grounds. When we presented him with a framed copy of the Afghan Womens Bill of Rights, Karzai told us he had already read a copy given to him by a security guard at our press conference. He indicated his support for Afghan women; assured us that half of his constitutional Loya Jirga appointees would be women (he appoints 50 members out of 500) and encouraged us to continue our work. When we brought up the subject of women in prison, he agreed to meet with Afifa Azim and Soraya Paikan for a further discussion of this problem (see Addendum 3i).
The next day, the Constitutional Commission warmly received WAW members, Afifa Azim, and Soraya Paikan. They commended us for our pioneering work and again assured us that all but one item in the Afghan Womens Bill of Rights would be included in their draft of the constitution of Afghanistan. Our document would serve as a further demand from the women of Afghanistan. They said that because the constitution may be eroded through the Loya Jirga process, we must continue to promote the voices and wishes of the women at our conferences. We were encouraged to provide names and bios of participants in our conference for nomination to the Constitutional Loya Jirga and to organize future conferences in the provinces.
On September 12, WAW members along with Orzala Ashraf of HAWCA, met with Minister Habiba Sarabi, Minister of Womens Affairs to thank her for the Ministrys support of the conference and to present a copy of the Afghan Womens Bill of Rights. She expressed her support for the document and promised to distribute it throughout the Womens Ministry.
3. New York City Press Conference
On September 22, WAW held a press conference at OSI in New York. Mariam Nawabi, an expert in constitutional and Islamic law, was a guest speaker. This press conference led to the September 24, 2003 New York Times editorial featuring our work (click here to see article)
4. Follow Up Activities
Over 6,000 copies of the Afghan Womens Bill of Rights have been distributed to women and womens NGOs all over Afghanistan with the help of AOHREP and the Womens Ministry. Each conference participant committed herself to using the document as an organizing tool in her own community organizing. We have submitted information about several of our participants and facilitators to UNAMA for nomination to the Constitutional Loya Jirga.
|
 |
G. Parallel Press Outreach (back to top)
1. Training in Media Outreach and Media Messaging
Jennifer Pozner, Executive Director of Women in Media and News, NY, trained the WAW delegation in media messaging. Topics included in this training were:
How to answer a question succinctly;
How to spin your message;
In the eventuality of the conference being forced to take place in
Kabul due to security reasons, how to turn this into a media
opportunity for world attention to the security crisis in
Afghanistan;
The importance of holding a press conference.
2. Press Updates
Through press releases and regular updates, WAW was in constant touch with international and Afghan press before arriving in Afghanistan and throughout our trip. Visits to the Internet café to send out press updates were considered an important daily activity.
3. Bringing Press to Afghanistan
WAW succeeded in bringing to the conference women journalists from the Nation, Womens Enews, Time Magazine, Business Week Magazine, the Globe and the Mail, The Daily Guardian, the US State Department Arm, and the New York Times. Most of these journalists stayed with us in the ACS compound and were witness to our work both in and out of conference workshops. (The press generated by our conference and parallel media outreach is presented in Addendum 5.)
H. Conference: 2004 (back to top)
The participants from Mazar-E-Sharif announced their willing to organize and host WAWs fourth annual conference. WAW is currently in dialogue with our advisors to determine when our next conference might be held and what the theme might be. Our close associate Orzala Ashraf, director of HAWCA, recently led a womens rally in Mazar-E-Sharif calling for disarmament throughout the country. She is also a member of the Gender and Law Working Group, a committee of prestigious Afghans who have recently submitted suggestions for additions to the draft constitution that strengthen womens constitutional rights. Her connections with women activists are a valuable entry point for us.
The elections in Afghanistan are scheduled to take place in June 2004. If they are on schedule, we are considering a conference in Fall 2004 addressing the theme of womens rights in the judicial system, and/or the implementation of womens rights secured in the constitution. If the elections have not taken place by then, we might consider organizing our conference around the theme of womens participation in the elections.
I. Conclusion: (back to top)
WAW's conference was a great success, for it awoke a representative group of Afghan women to their potential power as a united body and allowed them to articulate their demands in the public arena. Through our partner organizations, we distributed 6,000 copies of the Afghan Women's Bill of Rights throughout all provinces of Afghanistan. We appeared on Afghan television, shown presenting the document to President Karzai. We also used our resources and contacts to promote the selection of our conference participants as Loya Jirga delegates.
Yet, we knew the struggle for inclusion of women's rights in the constitution was not over. The first draft of the constitution, released weeks after the conference, was a bitter disappointment. Despite the success of the conference and assurances from the Constitutional Commission that the items in the Afghan Women's Bill of Rights would be included, the draft was notable for its near silence on the subject of womens rights. The Constitutional Loya Jirga began on a disturbing note, as the Chair proclaimed to women, "Even God has not given you equal rights because under his decision two women are counted as equal to one man." Malalai Joya, a female delegate who denounced the attendance of "those criminals who have brought these disasters for the Afghan people," noting they should be tried for their crimes against the Afghan people, was ordered to be thrown out of the event and received threats to her life.
The finalized Constitution of Afghanistan declares: "The citizens of Afghanistan - whether man or woman - have equal rights and duties before the law". Despite this success, there is also an article that "No law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam." This statement creates an openinga bottomless pitfor laws that discriminate against women. The constitution will ultimately be interpreted and enforced by the judicial system, which is currently being reformed. That is where the battle to secure women's rights will ultimately be waged. Implementation of women's equality in a country that has suffered 23 years of war and that is marked by systematic violation of women is perhaps the severest challenge in the country. WAW remains hopeful in this new day for Afghanistan, and we will continue to support our sisters' struggle.
ADDENDA
Addendum 1: WAWS Staff, Board and Advisory Committee (click here to see full list)
Addendum 2: Conference Planning Committee (back to top)
Rina Amiri has been a senior research associate for the Women and Public Policy Program at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government and a central participant in the Women Waging Peace program's annual colloquium. A delegate to the Bonn Conference, she now lives in Afghanistan, where she is an advisor to UNESCO and the Ministry of Women's Affairs in Kabul.
Sara Amiryar is associate director of Affirmative Action Programs, Georgetown University, and head of the BluePack Project in Afghanistan.
Hangama Anwari was a former professor of law at Kabul University and vice-chair of the AWLPA in Kabul; She is a community mobilization trainer with the United Nations Human Settlement Program in Kabul.
Orzala Ashraf is founder and director of HAWCA, which currently runs over 200 vocational training and literacy classes in Afghanistan. Since 1994, she has been delivering training programs to women and children in Afghan refugee camps. Ms. Ashraf, who is self-taught, was honored with the Isabel Ferror Award for womens education and the Amnesty International award for humanitarian aid to children and women.
Sarah Chayes, an award-winning journalist (Overseas Press Club Lowell Thomas Award and the Society of Professional Journalists' Sigma Delta Chi Award), covered conflicts in Kosovo and Algeria and the fall of the Taliban for NPR. She is now the Kandahar director of ACS.
Fatima Gailani holds master's degrees in Persian Literature and Sufism from the National University of Iran and from the Muslim College in London. A political activist for years, with the increasing deterioration of the situation of Afghan women in the 1990s, Ms Gailani became more active on behalf of women's rights. Ms. Gailani is a member of the Constitutional Commission.
Rangina Hamidi is Womens Issues program officer in charge of Womens Income Generation Program for ACS, Kandahar.
Abdul Hotaki is founder and director of AOHREP.
Moneesa Jamal is director of HOOWA.
Helena Malikyar is a Ph.D candidate in the Department of Middle East Studies at New York University with a specialty in Afghan administrative history and modernization and reform processes. She has published on the issue of women's status in Afghanistan and worked with several Afghan political organizations, including the former King of Afghanistan's group in Rome. Currently based in Afghanistan, she is working on the Afghanistan Reconstruction Project.
Mariam A. Nawabi, J.D, a litigation associate, was recently selected by the UN to serve on the Legal Affairs Working Group of the Afghanistan Reconstruction Project. The LAWG will draft proposals for various laws and regulations and a number of constitutional issues to present to the Interim Administration of Afghanistan.
Hibaaq Osman, a 15-year activist for womens rights in Africa, is now V-Day special representative to Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. She is responsible for building broad political and social movements for women's rights at national, regional, and international levels in those regions.
Soraya Paikan is chair of the AWLPA, a member of the Loya Jirga, & an international lawyer. She was professor of International Law at Balkh University in Mazar-e-Sharif until the Taliban took power.
Cheryl Rae is assistant to the Minister of Womens Affairs, Kabul.
|
|
Addendum 3: WAWs Activities in Kandahar Outside the Conference (back to top)
 |
| L to R: Lena and Rozia, prisoners in Kandahar |
|
 |
| Soraya Paikan at the gate of Kabul womens prison |
|
 |
| Lena (far right) in Kabul one week after her release from prison-at meeting with Womens Minister |
i. Women in Prison and Release of Lena
While in Kandahar WAW also visited the headquarters of the chief of police to meet with three female prisoners. We were stunned to see them wearing tattered burqas and in tears when they told us their horrible stories. One had been sold to an abusive man, another, Rozia, chained up, beaten, and repeatedly raped by a father-in-law. The youngest prisoner, a sixteen-year old named Lena, was being held for traveling without a male relative after running away from an abusive uncle. WAW negotiated the release of the three women for a few hours and took them to our conference compound, where they shared our dinner and spoke about their lives. The only policewoman in Kandahar, who was also a conference attendee, escorted the women and provided reassurance to the chief that the prisoners would be returned that evening. At the compound, conference participants exchanged ideas about how we could help. Carlotta Gall, a reporter for the NY Times, interviewed them. We also bought them new clothes and burqas and watched them smile for the first time. One of the conference facilitators, Afifa Azim, offered to help the youngest prisoner, Lena, if we could get her to Kabul because she expressed a great interest in attending school.
A few days later, WAW visited the thirteen women at the prison and provided them with some financial aid. We also scheduled a meeting with the Attorney General for the next day, the day we were leaving Kandahar. We hoped to take Lena with us because she was technically released but had nowhere to go. The Attorney General resisted, claiming he needed final approval from Kabul, but after much pleading, he released her. We raced to the plane, barely making our flight. In Kabul, first with us and then with Afifa Azim, Lena became a new person. She was cheerful, talkative, and eager to learn English. Afifa Azim eventually found a good home for her, and she is now attending school. We are still working to clear Lena officially. Meanwhile, Sunita Mehta visited the womens prison in Kabul and found that the womens stories were similar to what we heard in Kandahar. WAW provided them with financial assistance as well.
We discussed the issue of women in prison with the Womens Ministry, and President Karzai, who agreed that there is a need for government shelters for women who are held in prison because they have no family to return to. WAW is also in touch with Soraya Paikan, from AWLPA about working with female prisoners to resolve their cases and speed up release. It saddens us and our colleagues that women who are the victims of crimes are being kept in prison because they have nowhere to go. We hope to be more involved in this issue in the future.
|
|
ii. At the Refugee Camp
While the conference was in session, Fahima Vorgetts, a WAW board member and director of WAWs Afghan Womens Fund, was busy checking out conditions in the sixteen refugee camps for internally displaced persons. These are Pashtuns who had lived as minorities throughout northern Afghanistan until the Taliban were overthrown. Then Afghans of other ethnicities turned on Pashtuns in revenge, driving them from their towns and villages. The camps are located about one hour out of Kandahar in Zari Dasht, a sweltering grey desert punished by dust clouds that whip mercilessly down from surrounding mountains. Their schools are a series of tents, airless defenses against the sun and dust, lined up in walled rectangular areas set aside for the purpose of education.
On her first visit, Fahima discovered two schools with no supplies and teachers on the verge of quitting because no one was paying their salaries. That night Fahima and Abdul Hotaki of AOHREP bargained with Kandahar merchants for 2000 notebooks, pencils, erasers, and several blackboards--$1500 worth of basic supplies. These were stuffed into burlap bags and loaded into the pickup truck (which was guarded by three young men armed with Kalashnikovs) and delivered to the refugee camps the next day. On that second visit, Fahima learned that another camp, one managed by a British NGO, had no school at allalthough tents had been on site for 8 months and camp elders had been pleading with officials to put them up. She also learned that the well outside the womens center, where women were supposed to be able to wash themselves and their children, did not function because no one had bothered to supply a generator to run the pump. Her formidable outrage unleashed, Fahima threatened the NGO with public exposurethereby accomplishing in a half hour what the elders had failed to do for 8 months. The small WAW team, by now encrusted with dust and on the verge of heat stroke, waited with camp elders and dozens of barefoot, filthy children (for who in the camps has water to waste on clothes) while 10 tents were hurriedly dragged in from some mysterious place and dropped onto the hardpan. Still rolled up in bright blue plastic wrappers, they lay on the dusty ground like alien invaders in a science fiction film. That night we took another trip to the bazaar for supplies and delivered them to the school the next day. By then the tents were up and each broiling interior was packed with children, boys and girls, already reciting their lessons. Meanwhile, thanks to Fahima and WAWs Afghan Womens Fund, a generator had been delivered to the womens center and was awaiting installation.
All in all, through the Afghan Womens Fund, Fahima paid teachers salaries and provided over 5000 students with school supplies. The new school will accommodate about 1500 children while combined enrollment in two other schools will expand by over 700 students. She has done a great thing, said Afifa Azim of Fahima.
In Annapolis where she lives, Fahima is fighting to keep this school and others running by raising money for teachers salaries$1500/month is needed.
Addendum 4. Abbreviations: (back to top)
AOHREP: Afghanistan Organization of Human Rights and Environmental Protection
AWLPA: Afghan Women Lawyers and Professionals Association
AWN: Afghan Womens Network
HAWCA: Humanitarian Association for Women and Children of Afghanistan
HOOWA: Humanitarian Organization for Orphans and Widows of Afghaninstan
OSI: Open Society Institute
PARSA: Physiotherapy and Rehabilitation Support for Afghanistan
UNAMA: United Nations Assistance Mission to Afghanistan
Addendum 5. Press Clippings (click here to see press, click here to see press releases)
|